By Pierre Hamel, Henri Lustiger-Thaler, Margit Mayer
This assortment offers with the transformation of city activities in those new social, financial and political environments.
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NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 33 While we do not discount the potential moderating influence of conscienceconstituent support, we argue that moderation is far from evitable. Thus, regarding movements of the poor, the real issue is not whether the poor should organise, but in what ways and with whom? (Cress and Snow 1996:1107) While Wagner and Cohen are actualising the Piven and Gloward argument, and Cress and Snow the critique, we can also find bridges to the new social movements’ approach in recent local case studies.
2) international competition that exerts pressure on the national welfare state transforming it into a ‘national competition state’ (Cerny 1990; Hirsch 1995); and (3) the impasse of the Keynesian welfare state (central structures remain but they are not able to solve the new challenges). The new right attack has not only focused on social expenditures of the state but has also challenged social citizenship as such: ‘Instead of accepting citizenship as a political and social status, modern Conservatives have sought to reassert the role of the market and have rejected the idea that citizenship confers a status independent of economic standing’ (Plant 1991:52).
In NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 35 the last decades of the twentieth century most student protests have been framed within the new social movement issues, and for some of these movements (for example, feminism) universities had been the most important bastions (women’s and gender studies). Thus it was a sign of change when in 1996 student protesters in Berlin joined an alliance against cuts in the social budget for the first time and tried to (re-)establish Monday demonstrations—the most spectacular and popular protest activity of the former German Democratic Republic’s citizens’ movements.